On the third day of the farmers’ protest on Wednesday, the Madhya Pradesh government announced that moong procurement would be increased to 60%. It also temporarily suspended the e-token system for fertiliser distribution. However, the announcement failed to calm the protesting farmers.<\/p>\n
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Tractors and trolleys carrying seven days’ ration, farmers entering Bhopal after removing police barricades, and scenes similar to the 2020 Delhi farmers’ protest have raised fresh questions.<\/p>\n
If the government accepted some demands, why are farmers still protesting? And why did the police not use force even after four layers of barricades were broken? We explain in today’s MP Explainer.<\/p>\n
Question 1: Was the protest similar to the Singhu Border protest? Why did the police not use force when the barricading was broken?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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Answer- <\/strong>In terms of methods, yes. Bringing ration along, a convoy of tractors and trolleys, breaking barricades, and camping on the road these are the same strategies seen in the 2020-21 Singhu Border protest. However, there is a big difference between the two protests in terms of demands and scale.<\/p>\n
First, let’s understand the Singhu Border scenario<\/strong><\/p>\n
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The 2020-21 protest started with a small tractor march in Punjab in July 2020, reached the borders of Delhi by November, and lasted for about a year and a quarter. It was a coalition of more than 40 farmer organisations. During this period, more than 700 farmers died, and eventually, the government had to withdraw the three laws.<\/li>\n
The Madhya Pradesh protest is currently limited to 19 farmer organisations, with numbers reported between 2000 and 5000, and the demand is a state-level policy issue – 100% procurement of moong (green gram) and improvement in fertilizer distribution. So far, there has been no violence or loss of life.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
Now understand why the police did not use force<\/strong><\/p>\n
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Police had set up 4 layers of barricading to stop the farmers. Which the farmers easily broke. Despite this, the police did not use force. Its effect was also seen in the slogans of the protestors. Farmers chanted slogans like Bhopal Police I Love You, Mohan Sarkar I Hate You and Bhopal Nagar Nigam I Hate You.<\/li>\n
Political analyst Dinesh Gupta considers this a government strategy. According to him, if there had been a lathi-charge, the protest could have become more aggressive and the government would have had to go into defensive mode. As happened in the CJP protest at Jantar Mantar. Therefore, the government adopted a wait-and-watch strategy. Congress had also warned of intensifying the protest if farmers were dealt with strictly.<\/li>\n
Abhijit Dipke, founder of Cockroach Janata Party (CJP), also supported the farmers. He said that the anger of farmers in Bhopal is visible on the streets and the CJP team is keeping an eye on the entire incident.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
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Despite the barricades breaking during the protest, the police did not use force<\/span><\/p>\n
Question 2: The government agreed to 60% procurement, yet why is there no satisfaction? What will happen next?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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There are three concessions in the government’s announcement – increasing the scope of procurement from 25% to 60%, extending the last date for slot booking and procurement (till August 10 and 20), and temporarily halting the e-token system. This means that two out of three demands of the farmers (scope of procurement and e-token) have been addressed.<\/li>\n
The real dispute lies in the method of calculation. The government is converting 60% procurement into hectare\/acre terms. In major districts like Narmadapuram, Sehore, and Harda, this will amount to approximately 3 quintals per acre.<\/li>\n
Farmers say that their actual yield is much higher than this, so procurement at 3 quintals per acre means that a large portion will still have to be sold in the open market at prices below MSP. Therefore, they are adamant on their demand for at least 5 quintals per acre.<\/li>\n
This means the government has given a concession on the percentage figure, but farmers are demanding a concession on the per-acre quantity figure. These two scales do not directly equate, which has led to continued dissatisfaction despite the demand being met.<\/li>\n
The government has taken immediate relief measures to end the protest, but has not made any new decision regarding the quantity of procurement. If farmer organizations stick to their demand of 5 quintals per acre, then another round of talks between the government and them could take place. However, if the government considers the current decision final, then this issue will again become a cause of dispute during procurement.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
Question 3: How can Gen-Z become the strength of elderly farmers?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
Answer- <\/strong>On Sethani Ghat in Narmadapuram, elderly and traditional farmer leaders performed Satyanarayan Katha and Havan, and recited Hanuman Chalisa for the government’s good sense. Meanwhile, Gen-Z farmers described this very movement in the language of system and algorithm flaws. This means two completely different ways of protesting ran concurrently in the same movement.<\/p>\n
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Political analyst Dinesh Gupta says that this is the effect of the generation shift seen in farming. Educated youth are no longer limited to just the fields. They understand technical problems like e-tokens, portals, and data, and are making them issues for the movement.<\/li>\n
Gen-Z is rapidly conveying images of the movement and their messages to people through videos, reels, and posts on social media. This is expanding the movement’s reach from village gatherings to mobile screens, attracting more attention.<\/li>\n
According to Dinesh Gupta, earlier the strength of a movement was only its crowd, but now its digital presence is becoming equally important. This is why the experience of elderly farmers and Gen-Z’s technical social media understanding are together giving new impetus to the movement.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
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Gen-Z youth are also participating in the farmers’ protest. They wrote on posters – We Support Farmers<\/span><\/p>\n
Question 4: Why doesn’t the government directly deposit the fertilizer money into the farmer’s account?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
Answer- <\/strong>This sounds like the easiest solution, but the structure of the current system is different.<\/p>\n
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Currently, fertilizer subsidy is not directly given to farmers. The government provides this subsidy to fertilizer manufacturing companies, and that too only when fertilizer is actually sold to farmers through an Aadhaar-linked PoS machine. This means the subsidy is linked to sales, not directly to the individual.<\/li>\n
Agricultural journalist Sachin Bondriya explains the real reason with figures- The cost of manufacturing one bag of urea, including subsidy, is around ?4000, which farmers get for only ?266.50. A bag of DAP costs ?3000-3500, which farmers get for ?1350.<\/li>\n
If the subsidy were to be deposited directly into accounts (as happens with LPG), the government would first have to deposit the full amount of ?4000-4500 into each farmer’s account, only then would they be able to buy fertilizer at market price. According to Bondriya, if it were ?1000 instead of ?4500, the government might have done it. Depositing such a large amount into every farmer’s account all at once is currently practically difficult.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
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Farmers ate dal-bati on the road on Wednesday.<\/span><\/p>\n
Question 5: Could this movement spread across the entire Madhya Pradesh?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
Answer- <\/strong>Currently, its possibility seems limited because the biggest demand of the movement is 100% moong procurement, and moong cultivation is not uniform across the entire state.<\/p>\n
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According to data from the Department of Farmer Welfare and Agriculture Development, moong (green gram) is sown in about 2.5 lakh hectares in Narmadapuram, 1.5 lakh hectares in Raisen, 1.46 lakh hectares in Harda, 1.2 lakh hectares in Narsinghpur, and about 1 lakh hectares in Sehore. After this, in most districts, the area shrinks to between 30 to 60 thousand hectares. This means that the districts leading the movement are also the moong belt of the state.<\/li>\n
However, the future of the movement will not depend solely on moong. Issues like e-token and fertilizer availability are connected to farmers in almost every district, even if the e-token has been temporarily suspended. Political analyst Dinesh Gupta says that the new generation of farmers understands these systemic flaws more than before, therefore, the anger is no longer limited to MSP, but is directed at the entire system.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
On the third day of the farmers’ protest on Wednesday, the Madhya Pradesh government announced that moong procurement would be increased to 60%. It also temporarily suspended the e-token system for fertiliser distribution. However, the announcement failed to calm the protesting farmers. Tractors and trolleys carrying seven days’ ration, farmers entering Bhopal after removing police…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":29568,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_kad_post_transparent":"","_kad_post_title":"","_kad_post_layout":"","_kad_post_sidebar_id":"","_kad_post_content_style":"","_kad_post_vertical_padding":"","_kad_post_feature":"","_kad_post_feature_position":"","_kad_post_header":false,"_kad_post_footer":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[10,9],"tags":[22229,22230,22407,22404,22406,22405,22042,22408],"class_list":["post-29567","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-mp","category-states","tag-bhopal-farmers-protest","tag-farmers-agitation","tag-farmers-protest-2026","tag-madhya-pradesh-farmers-protest","tag-moong-procurement","tag-mp-farmers","tag-mp-government","tag-police-barricading"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29567","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=29567"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29567\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/29568"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=29567"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=29567"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/petrolnews.in\/live\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=29567"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
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